The Little Giants of the East;

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Little Giants of the Gast

OR,

Our Lew Jlllies. .    .

BY

cm. GEO. W. BELL.

N.S.W. Bookstai.i. Co. Sydney.

^ PUBLISHER’S NOTE.

The publishers of this little booklet feel that no apology is needed for introducing Colonel Bell to the public of Australasia. On his arrival among us in 1893, as the Consular Representative of the United States, he speedily became a prominent and interesting figure in the community. As soldier, as orator, and as man of letters, in the course of his stirring life he had been associated with great men and great evonts. Before he came here his eloquent voice had become familiar to the people of three continents, and he amply sustained in our country the reputation which he had gained in his own as the “Silver-tongued Orator of the Pacific.”

Of Colonel Bell's experiences in the battles of the American Civil War, of his work in America as a journalist in connection with such organs of American opinion as the Chicago Tribune and the New York Sun; of his influence as a lecturer and writer on science and economics; of the part he played in conciliating the seething discontent of Ireland twenty years ago; of these and many other episodes in his distinguished career there is no space to speak. He was appointed to Australia in recognition of his rare grasp of economic and commercial problems, to serve his country by the vigour of his intellect. And by the genial Southern courtliness of manner which he inherits from a Virginian ancestry, and his sincere and genuine kindness, he at once won the heart of the Australian people.

His work as Consul brought him into close contact with all classes of his countrymen. His ready sympathy and help were always at the disposal of the rough Yankee sailor who found himself in a scrape or difficulty. In all that concerned the trade between here and America,

Colonel Bell’s promptness and punctuality, liis courteous patience, bis wide knowledge of public and commercial affairs, made him the guide, philosopher, and friend of the trading public. His Consular reports to the American Government on Australian affairs, including that on the “Financial Crisis of ’93,” are oft-quoted evidences of his earnestness and sagacity. But, while Colonel Bell strove with tireless industry to lay in his consular work the foundation of a strong connection between this Commonwealth and the United States, he is best known to us on the public platforms of Australia. Here his figure became as prominent and as popular as tllat of our own leading orators and politicians. Colonel Bell's addresses came to be regarded as important public deliveries. He lectured to the Chamber of Commerce and other metropolitan institutions throughout Australia, and played the sympathetic role of “amicus curiae” during the discussion which culminated in Federation. Some of his discourses delivered during his stay here have been published all over the Anglo-Saxon world.

In 1896 he visited America, and on his return was banquetted at the Town Hall, Sydney. Sir Geo. Dibbs presided, and the guest’s health was proposed by Mr. G. H. Reid.

Just at that time a change of administration took place in the United States, but at the urgent pressure of the Chambers of Commerce and business men of the Eastern States, coupled with the request of the American colonists and his Australian friends, Colonel Bell was reappointed. He left office in October, 1900, after McKinley’s second election.

Just before his time expired Colonel Bell had the honour—almost unprecedented for an American—of representing New South Wales under Royal Commission at the Philadelphia International Commercial Congress of 1899, and here, as throughout his life, he lent all his intellect and eloquence to strengthen the bonds of Anglo-

Saxon unity. On his retirement he was tendered a reception at the Town Hall, at which Lord Beauchamp presented him with a complimentary address on behalf of the citizens of New South Wales. Travel and lecture tours in America and New Zealand followed.

The greater part of the last year Colonel Bell has been touring the East. He was able to see something of the interesting transition going on under American rule in the Phillipines; and in China ho recognised the new movements which are beginning to stir the vast, inert mass of that nation. But it was Japan to which he devoted his time chiefly. Here he lived in the heart of the country, consorting with Buddhist priests, with lawyers, with soldiers, with statesmen. He sought to learn the secrets of that wonderful change which has transformed Japan from an unknown island into a first-class power. The art, the religion, the social life of tho people have all in turn been the subject of his study. We in Australia are deeply concerned with the doings of this wonderful people. We have a special interest in them at this time of crisis. And in the following pages we have the impressions which they have made on the observant and reflective mind of a man, whose life among us has won a reputation for sound and sagacious judgment.

AUTHORS PREFACE.

As many people, in many portions of Australasia, during the last dozen years, have at various times and places expressed a desire to hear my views on important matters, I cherish a hope that I am not forgotten, and that, upon a question foremost in the world's attention, I may hope for a patient, or even a welcome hearing.

G. AY. BELL.

Sydney,

August, 1905.

Cbc Eifilc giants of fbe east;

Or,

Our Row Allies.

CHAPTER I.

An Interesting Picture.

Never in tlie fierce game of war was there a more interesting spectacle than that npon which a curious world has for some months been gazing, yet Japan’s unbroken march to victory is but the climax of a series of the most amazing achievements in the annals of all the ages.

As intelligent inquiry is always directed to the means by which important, results have been reached, it is quite natural that the world should wonder whence came this new mental, moral, and physical force which has so completely shattered our old notions; and, more, has so completely changed the whole social and political aspect of the times.

Not only as intelligent spectators of human effort, but for many other weighty reasons are the people of these Austral climes interested in these impressive movements; while to earnest persons in many other countries, the unparalleled victories of Japan seem so almost magical as to justify a feeling of dread.

It is patent to every observing man that we stand upon the verge of the mightiest social revolution th3 world ever beheld; and it behoves every person who enjoys the privilege of political action, to remember also that that privilege involves the responsibility of an earnest inquiry into liis or her interests, safety, and responsibility.

“When the wise bear rule, the people rejoice;” but when the people rule, should not the people be wise?

Let us think. I know it is hard work (for I tried it once), but there are times in the history of men and of nations, when a little serious meditation is necessary to existence; and to my notion this is one of the pressing moments. In this Eastern question, we have vital interests at stake, we have hopes to lure us forward, and fears that plead for caution. But let us reason together, lest our interests perish, and our hopes vanish before the phantoms of our fears.

As a background of my picture, or tile basis of my sermon, T desire to make a few brief historic comparisons, in order that the evolutionary process may be clear. Remember, while all my life I have given careful study to Oriental culture, customs and religion; while I have read in the last few years fully forty volumes, and numberless magazine and newspaper articles, and have recently spent six months in careful study on the ground; I write not as an expert, but as one ever alert for such knowledge as may be of value to my race, and may advance Anglo-Saxon interests and civilization.

Feeling strongly that every man who asks the attention of his fellows should fortify his own opinions with evidences of research, or reference to kindred facts, I again earnestly say to you, “let us reason together,” and from the comparisons, construct our temple.

CHAPTER II.

The Dawn of Civilization.

Waiving the question of how men were launched into being, it has become patent to all educated people that humanity has occupied this rather erratic little world for thousands of centuries, and that until very recent times, human progress, on the whole, has been slow.

As a fact, it now seems probable that the future historian will regard the opening of this 20th century as the dawn of real civilization. Until recently, since man first gazed into the heavens and inquired, he had struggled comparatively barehanded, for it was almost but yesterday that he succeeded in harnessing the forces of nature to his will, and making ready for more rapid advancement. And it has ever been a question of light.

“Give me but a place whereon to stand,” said a great Alexandrian philosopher, “and I will move the world;” and so in the realms of inquiry, we must erect a fulcrum, if we would use the lever of reason. It has ever been a matter of light.

Many wonder why the Japanese, with their keen intellects and perceptive faculties, lingered so long in medieval darkness. The explanation is simple: The human intellect grows from sensuous impressions, which may be multiplied by contact with men and nature under varying conditions. Xo spot on this globe ever possessed a sufficient variety in soil, climate, and production, to satisfy all the needs or the aspirations of civilized men: and no people, race, or tribe, unaided by contact with other peoples, with vastly differing tastes and ideas, ever evolved a civilisation.

Of this conclusion I find the most unmistakable evidence in every observation of modern life; in every page of ancient lore; in all the crumbling ruins of the world; which speak through the silent past and tell of fruitless strife for better things.

Commerce (which is simply the endeavour to satisfy human wants by the exchange of the products of varied climes and varied degrees of taste or skill), is the real basis of civilization; for, with the efforts to satisfy these infinite human wants, the world is explored, and ideas which nourish the brain and fire the passions are found at every turn of life’s active experience.

The degree of progress in civilisation of any people on the earth’s fair face, has ever been in the ratio of their commercial contact with other peoples.

In many ruins on the Asian plains, in the deserts and valleys of Arizona, Old Mexico, Yucatan, and Old Peru, and the Islands of the Pacific seas, are evidences of preexisting civilisations; but a careful study shows these to have been isolated centres; having scant, if any, communication with other peoples; with no light from without, and a narrow range of observation as a means of gaining knowledge—and even less for its diffusion and transmission—so that, when the limits of local possibilities were reached, the fabric fell, and its constituent elements were dissipated.

The material of every thought that ever seemingly emanated from the human brain, came from without; and every light, that seemingly emanated from a nation or race, was kindled by the friction caused by contact with the social elements of varied nations.

The character of the cities of the plain, of Babylon, of Niniveh, of Palmyra and others conformed to the environing conditions, to the character of the external contact, and to prevailing means for the acquisition, the diffusion, and the transmission of knowledge among the people.

For thousands of generations empires rose and fell, and fell and rose, and as the prevailing conditions suggested few changes, succeeding States improved but little on those which had fallen away. The old disappeared because of the sameness of products, the narrowness o» observation, and the weakness of the character of the social contfact. There was no light from abroad, no impressive scenes, no nourishing food for thought.

The introduction of the ship, by which commercial exploits led to daring deeds, to mental friction and to broader observation, was the herald of modern civilisation. The Phoenicians—with their staunch little ships-first fishermen, then pirates, then merchants, extended the view a little, that small traders from the Asian plains might reach the barbarous tribes of the Mediterranean world.

The Greeks, too, first fishermen, then pirates, then traders, raised the curtain higher, and carried the light from land to land. With the exchange of products there is always an exchange of ideas, amongst which must be included religious notions. The people traded gods .s they traded goods.

Home organised; but she had no soul, no religion, no philosophy, no conscience; and though she brought tribes together, and gave the provinces peace the peace of despair—after having exhausted Greek culture, she retired, leaving Europe in so sorry a plight that the population remained about stationary for a thousand years. Without extended light, there is there can be—little progress.

The Mahommedans came. They over-ran three-fourths of the Homan world; but with the sword they carried the torch of knowledge. They built factories and schools, and from the colleges of Moorish Spain, rays of light spread over Europe, which materially contributed to its intellectual awakening. Then came the discovery of America, the invention of the printing pi-ess, and that mental confusion called the Reformation.

Venice and Genoa erected rival beacons; and, for a time, the brilliant rays spread in many directions. But the range was narrow; the times were dark; inquiry was smothered; so the fires burned low, and expired. There can be no progress, save by mental friction.

CHAPTER III.

Modern Civilization is of Anglo-Saxon Origin.

America was discovered, and Portugal and Spain, and Holland hurriedly pre-empted about all of it. But these nations looked inward, not outward; and strove for treasure —not for homes. They enslaved, instead of emancipating men; and, after extinguishing the dim lamp of the savage, ingloriously retired to their ancient seats, and turned down even their own light.

Then Britain struck out as a Coloniser, and, in 1G07, at Jamestown, Virginia, on a slice of no man’s land, between the undefined claims of France and Spain, appeared the germ from which modern civilisation grew. Britain had been training, travelling, trading, and fighting for centuries; and, during her many vicissitudes, had picked up a lot of cui'ious and valuable knowledge. The British wei'e a mixed race. They were many-sided; they took and gave hard knocks; but they always kept their eyes open. During the whole 17th century, so dark were the times in Europe, that Britain’s colonial enterprise dragged. But, in the beginning of the 18th century, she turned on more light; and, improving her branch establishment, kindled an intellectual flame which has illuminated the whole world.

The British race occupied a favourable position. It exploited, it inquired, it devised, it invented, and it conquered. Confronted by new things, new ideas came; confronted by stupendous things, genius awoke; and means were contrived to master Nature’s forces, and to harness them to man's will.

By the folly of a King, too Dutch to understand the sentiments of his subjects, the Anglo-Saxon family separated; but the race continued in business, and from mutual interest it expanded, in the realms of thought as well as in the fields of action. •

The bread fields were extended, and food became plenty. The people became interested. They raised cot-.ton, and invented a means for using it. They built factories, and, to furnish them with coal, the railway came. Imagination spurned the old sails, and the steamer appeared as an improved means of transportation. As a messenger of thought, steam was too slow; and Jove’s thunderbolts were converted into the telegraph.

Compare the world to-day with what it was two hundred years ago, and the difference may be credited to Anglo-Saxon intellect and enterprise. And I boldly express the opinion that, had the people of the British Isles remained permanently isolated to this day, there would not have been a railway, a steamship, or a motor factory; and few of the mechanical devices which so conspicuously distinguish this from medieval ages would have appeared.

As modern civilisation is a creature of the Anglo-Saxon race—is our child, so to speak—we should provide for its future security. And as we have given our inventions, our discoveries, our culture, and, largely, our language and aspirations to the age, we are entitled to share in the advantages arising from their general acceptance. It has all been a matter of light—generated by mental friction, fanned into action by enterprise, and then diffused through the wants of mankind.

CHAPTER IV.

The Modernisation of Japan.

The rays of Anglo-Saxon light at length penetrated the heart of Japan; and at the first thrill, she aroused with a suddenness and a brilliancy for which a parallel may be sought in vain in the whole world’s authentic history. And the same gleams of hope which aroused Japan are now slowly dissolving the darkness that for thousands of years has hovered over fertile, but fruitless and non-progressive China.

But to the man on the street, there arises the query—■ “If the Japanese have such wonderful mental and moral powers as are now claimed for them, why have they been so backward about coming forward; for civilisation cannot be created in a day?”

This is the point 1 have endeavoured by a, perhaps, too lengthy review of the past to show. Modern civilisation is the result of centuries of growth. It comes only through tribulation, extended observation, diversified experience, the stirring aspects of nature, new and inviting environment, and contact with all sorts and conditions of people. And let me remind you that Japan until comparatively yesterday had none of these opportunities. She lacked nothing in mental powers; but her horizon was a narrow one. She had no light from abroad, save from effete Korea and ponderous China— already in their decadence. She had no striking newness to arouse her; she encountered no thrilling scenes; she had no rivalry, aud the horizon of her mental vision was limited by her narrow geographical environment. From her inherent virtues she had evolved a large and receptive brain, but the material for mental expansion always comes from without. But a change came; and, at a most opportune stage in her affairs, Perry opened the shutters; modern light poured in; and, as she had plenty of everything bct light, the results have astonished the world.

Japan was not aroused from “savagery” in a few years; but, having evolved splendid capabilities, with unparalleled alacrity she moved out of a dark and narrow path, into a higher, a broader, a nobler, and better sphere of thought and action—and never raw recruit handled new armour more dexterously. It was not the sudden development of an intellect; it was the application of an intellect already developed to new fields of action.

As the majority of men are more concerned about conditions than about causes, the surface situation of Japan is conspicuously comprehensible. She has presented a series of the most unique, astonishing and brilliant transformations the world ever beheld. But as what looked at first like a grotesque phantom seems to be assuming a firm, symmetrical, substantial, and permanent form, there is no end of confusing speculations regarding the possible future.

Japan, to the great busy world fifty years ago, was little more than a geographical expression. True, a few foreign traders knew something of its resources, and a few more knew of it as the home of happy, smiling, artistic heathens, who associated with their gods, worshipped their earthly despot, and painted fantastic figures on small and trifling things; but, to the many, the notions regarding Japan were of dreamy vagueness.

It was in 1853 that Commodore Perry anchored off Unagai; and, under the persuasive influence of the American guns an official communication was received by the Japanese Government from President Philmore. The next year the first modern Japanese treaty was signed with a foreign power, and soon a flood of light poured in which startled this wonderful nation into resolute action.

CHAPTER V.

A Startling Metamorphosis.

What a revelation to the world! Here was a strange and interesting people, claiming a national history reaching back 060 years 11.C.; adoring a sovereign who, through many generations of semi-divine ancestors, had descended directly from the gods—the creators of -Japan. The Shoguns, as the representatives of a Mikado — himself too holy even to be gazed upon by earthly mortals—ruled despotically; the lands were owned by military lords, princes or daimios, supported by a haughty class of idlers; the common people were not even regarded as human, and the country had none of the agencies of modern progress— save a few rude firearms bought from the Portuguese over 600 years before, and a few old fashioned clocks, received from the Dutch a century or so later.

All their social customs were strange; their religious faiths were pagan, and their industries were most primitive. For over two and a half centuries, or since the time of the planting of Britain’s first colony in America, the shutters had been closed on Japan, and all modern light had been excluded— save the faint rays which issued from the closely-hedged Dutch Treaty Port of Nagasaki.

What a strange situation! Save with effete China, and Korea, so far as is positively known, Japan had had no contact with the outer world during the first 2-300 years of her history; and save though a very limited experience with the jealous and intriguing Portuguese and Spanish, and the plodding Dutch, towards the close of the medieval era, no modern light had ever penetrated the consciousness of the Japanese people.

But when the light was turned on by Perry, and the curtains were raised by Harris, and the British merchants from Hongkong flocked to the country, it was good-bye to old customs and conditions. Then began ambitious schemes, for a change was inevitable. But there followed ten years of internal dissension between the old and the new, between the conservative and the progressive, between the romance of medievalism and the push of progress; in fact, between social darkness and industrial light; and there was ‘‘war to the knife, with the knife to the hilt.” Vested rights in hoary wrongs were cunning, strong, and stubborn; but the light poured into the shady places, and when conscience finally awoke, the most wonderful political and social transformation the world has ever beheld loomed above the horizon in this mythical East

At the close of civil strife, the restoration came, tne semi-divine Mikado emerged from many centuries of retirement, and (in the person of Prince Mutsuhito), became the ruler, not only in name and fame, but as a wise and progressive actuality.*

At the time of the restoration, Japan, considering her population, was not only about the poorest nation on the globe, but her finances were in the most lamentable disorder. Were it not for so many other brilliant exploits, her financial recovery under such an ordeal might justly be regarded as one of the most interesting achievements among nations. For between the demands of Princes and Priests, the erection of Temples, and the feeding of social idlers, the people had been ground down

*[It is the custom of the Japanese not to mention the name of the Emperor during his life time, hut recognising the fact that any man who may have the proper birth-certificate may be an Emperor, and feeling that this particular Emperor deserves a marked distinction, I shall speak of him as Mutsuhito the man whose career has added lustre to the Imperial title. In common thought the Emperor of Japan is associated with a class of rulers, but Mutsuhito has been an Emperor of Emperors worthy of special recognition.] to tlie barest necessities of life, and from extravagance and folly many of tile Daimios themselves were on the verge of bankruptcy.

The Dutch alone had drained the country of gold to the extent of £‘50,000,000; the Daimios had issued fiat money, then debased the coin, and squeezed the farmers down; while the Shoguns, though having power over the Daimios, had no power to tax the people.

In 1808 the resources of the Government had fallen so low, that they were insufficient to support an army of 20,000 men.

After the restoration, there was a new deal. The Shoguns, who had been skilful rulers over the Daimios, at once disappeared, soon to be followed by the Daimios, who had ruled the people, and new relations between a new authority and new subjects were to be provided for.

CHAPTER VI.

An Unparalleled Imperial Manifesto-

But Mutsuliito, the descendant of the gods through 122 generations, aided by wise statesmen, began business with commendable promptness. The first manifesto ever issued by a Mikado direct was signed by the Emperor in person, and the same year, several new ports were opened to foreign trade. And progress was reported.

The mind of the young Emperor was alert and receptive, for he came to the throne in stirring times. The light was streaming in from all directions. Japanese who had been abroad soon returned with marvellous tales of Occidental doings, and from many sources it was learned that wonderful things were transpiring away beyond the horizon of Japan. He called the most wise of his people together. “How,” said he, “were these people enlightened? By what means or instrumentalities have these wonderful results been reached, for where such conditions exist there must be potent causes?”

He learned that among the most advanced nations, the people were free; that in proportion as they were free they had schools and journals, and railways and steamships, and tirelessly sought all kinds of knowledge. Mutsuliito “caught on,” he had reasoned from effect to cause, and ho at once laid the most wisely conceived and most comprehensive plans, by which, in Japan, demonstrated means and instrumentalities might be applied to the accomplishment of desired ends. And in this lies the secret of Japan’s wonderful success.

Soon followed the most remarkable incident in alt the history of the conduct of men. Listen! Here was a monarch, the loved and worshipped ruler of a people, whoso loyalty was their religion a monarch probably believed by himself, and certainly believed by his subjects, to be one of Divine parentage, whose mission and duty it was to rule—and this man freely, voluntarily, yes, of his own volition, promulgated a manifesto, than in which nobler sentiments never emanated from the human brain or lell from human lips. In fact, so surpassingly grand are the principles expressed in this immortal document; so elevated and noble in their purpose; so unselfish and partiotic in their far reaching results; as to almost justify a faith in the Divine character of this wonderful man.

Think of it! A man born to rule, with ideas regarding'authority inherited from remote antiquity; loved by loyal subjects ready to die at his bidding; deliberately and voluntarily divesting himself of supreme authority, and handing over to his people a large share of his limitless powers! The world never beheld such a spectacle— and this by an Oriental despot, the ruler of a people, who themselves had never dreamed of liberty!

Exercising supreme authority, only that such authority might be properly revested, he prepared for his great work a most comprehensive manifesto in which he declared his course of future action, and a consideration of five of the suggestions made is enough to fill and thrill the habitable world with admiration. Let us note fhese five chief propositions, and renew our hopes for humanity.

1.    “That a Deliberative Assembly should be formed, and all measures decided by public opinion.”

Ye Clods! How many have fought and died in fruitless struggles for these desiderata ! How many generations of men have prayed and struggled to extort such a concession from entrenched authority—yet died in despair ! And yet this came freely from the hands of an Oriental monarch! Truly they are a “strange people.”

2.    “The principles of social economy should be studied by all classes of the people.”

Not by the rulers, not by the rich, but by “all classes of the people.” Never before did the people, even among the Occidentals, receive crumbs without going after them ; but here is an “Oriental despot,” calling his people up as a class to be instructed in social economy! Strange, indeed!

3. “Every one in the community should be assisted in the prosecution of all useful purposes.”

Have we anything more noble, more democratic, or more useful ? And did monarch ever before utter such words of cheer ?

But, listen! ye who -live on your traditions, who worship your customs and decide all questions that arise among civilised men by precedents established often among barbarians, listen!

4.    “All old and absurd customs should be discarded, and impartiality and justice should become the basis of action!”

For such language, the Russians would banish a man as a nihilist; the Germans would imprison him as a socialist; tlie French would watch him as a disturber, and the British would laugh at him as a crank—yet philosopher never spoke more wisely!

But to my notion, what should have been first, as it has been the key-note upon which Japan has prosecuted her whole policy, is—-

5.    “That the foundations of the Empire may be firmly established, we should seek knowledge throughout the whole world.”

While knowledge has ever been the nightmare of despotism, Mutsuliito demanded light, and it is chiefly owing to the intelligent persistence with which Japan has followed these noble purposes, that she owes her present proud position, and that the world owes its admiration for this wonderful evidence of intelligent emancipation.

Japan lias indeed sought knowledge “'throughout the whole world,” and her people hare proven, in every sphere of thought and action, the most receptive and teachable pupils, and the most satisfactory paymasters, of all the ages. We are told that the Japanese are imitative and only copy what they see and hear. To my notion, this is an egregious error. The Japanese are not merely imitative, but they are wonderfully receptive, and ready to do new things. They have sought knowledge “throughout the world,” and by so doing they have learned to apply demonstrated means to the accomplishment of desired ends.

CHAPTER VII.

Some Results of the Manifesto.

Now, believing the Australasians to be just as anxious to know the world as are the Japanese, and that whatever their opinions on general policy may be, they are ever desirous of increasing their store of information, while striving to avoid controversial questions, I shall briefly review the achievements of the Japanese, and how their actions have tallied with their monarch’s creed—for the worth of a people can be better measured by their works than by their words.

From the outset no prejudices were allowed to stand in the way; no absurd old customs or vested interests to thwart the forward movement. The new ruler saw that the most progressive of all peoples, the Anglo-Saxon, were free; so to prepare his subjects for future duties, he proposed from his ample power to clothe them with tne rights of representative authority, and therefore, in his first plank, he suggested a resort to “public opinion.”

The current soon assumed torrential force, but the hand of the Emperor never lost its cunning. Expert instructors were sought in all quarters of the world, regardless of expense; promising young men were sent abroad in search of knowledge, and the wheels of progress were hurriedly set in motion.

As a fact, to adorn an idea with picturesque slang, we did not carry our civilisation to Japan, we only turned on the light, showed our samples, and the Japanese rushed our stalls. With a constant aim to better satisfy human wants, it was the application of demonstrated means to the accomplishment of desired ends.

In 1870, the first telegraph anti light-liouse were introduced; in 1871 a postal system, a mint, and dockyard were established; and, wonder of the world’s wonders! feudalism by a stroke of the pen was abolished, and the people were humanised by Imperial decree! By the two last acts mentioned, the lands formerly belonging to the 277 Diumios or Princes were mostly made available for private purchase, while the outcasts, being emancipated, began to buy farms. Strange ! but to-day, there are more home owners among the rural population in Japan, more farmers who are part home owners, and less full tenants, than in the United Kingdom; or—on a population basis—than in the United States. Nearly one-half of the people are of the land-owning class, and less than 1,000,000 out of 4,500,000 farmers are bona fide tenants. Think of it! With all the lauds belonging to a few feudal lords but 85 years ago, fully three-fourths of the farmers are now full or part owners of the land they cultivate! What a transformation ! What a strange people! “We can't understand these Japanese!”

What strange proceedings! 277 Princes or Daimios owned all the lands of Japan and lived in regal ease and splendour but 35 years ago, with many thousands of the propertyless, but cultured and aristocratic Samurai, as idle, but well supported retainers. But listen! These Princes, Daimios, or Feudal Lords, who owned Japan, voluntarily surrendered their lands to the Government, cast aside their Vice-llegal titles, and receiving low interest bonds for less than one-tenth of the value of their estates, they stepped into ranks of the common herd— and the world goes on ! From the tyranny of the Shoguns the'Diamios had learned the taste of liberty. Then, too, the proud and haughty Sumurai, the polished ruffians with two swords, who, by immemorial usage had a life “innings” for a pittance sank into obscurity, with even the ancient class distinction obliterated. In Mutsuhito’s royal veins there ran not all the blood of a chivalry, for the whole upper crust (for the people of Dai Nippon’s sake) were ready for these unparalleled sacrifices. Yes, the 277 Daimios who owned the land surrendered it to those who cultivated it, and a few hundred thousand Sumurai, who had been riding on the people’s backs foi 800 years, politely alighted and are now trudging manfully in the ranks, earning their own living. Without coercion or request did ever the rulers of any other land pay the ruled such honours? And could any but great souled men perform such heroic actions? Only a great people can do great things. The Japanese have done great things. No enduring habitation, no symmetrical temple or efficient ship was ever built of inferior material, and the Temple of Liberty or the Ship of State are no exceptions. Japan must endure.

“For the people.” Think of it. The 277 lords wha had inherited it, gave Japan to the Japanese, surrendering titles more ancient than Britain’s old nobility. Think of the 250 families that now own about half of the United Kingdom, “for the people's sake,” surrendering their strangely acquired estates. Think of Buccleuch, surrendering his 480,000 acres of Scotch dirt to the Scotch people; or Bedford or Manchester, or any of the splendid paupers of liberty-loving Britain. Strange, these uncivilised pagans are so civil to their kind! Strange! these inferior Orientals can arise so far superior to the noblest Occidental performance!

But Mutsuhito’s programme was followed out. In 1872, the first railway was built—18 miles long. And today, there are over 4300 miles in operation, as well constructed, as well stocked, and in my opinion, as well managed as the railways in other countries. In 1902 they carried over 110,000,000 passengers, and over 2,500,000 tons of freight. These railroads are being extended in all directions, about one-third in mileage belonging to the Government, and the rest to private corporations. Japan is about as well supplied with telegraphs and telephones and most other utilities as the foremost countries of the Occident, and her many new tramways are of the most recent pattern, power, and efficiency. Tlioy have applied demoustrated means to the accomplishment of desired ends.

In this same 1872 the first newspaper was published, and now there are about .1000 newspapers in Japan, 'one having a daily circulation of over 200,000 copies. “Knowledge sought for throughout the world ” is a passion among the Japanese and among the people on the streets; the newspaper is about as common as in our cities—and the well filled bookstalls are everywhere.

In this same year, too, the first modern bank was established, and now there are over 2000 banks with banking facilities, I am informed, as perfect as in most of the European countries, while the postal savings banks are patronised to a surprising extent, the amount deposited and the number of depositors exceeding those of many European countries.

In old times justice in Japan was a little used term, for while many people were scrupulous on points of “honour,” justice was rarely a matter of discussion. But in 1871, the Tokio Court was established, and now there is a Supreme Court with 25 judges; seven appeal courts, with 121 judges; 49 local courts, with 399 judges; and 310 district courts, with 557 judges. To my mind, a careful, even though brief, study of the courts in open session will incline one to think that in no country is there a more sincere desire, or a more intelligent effort, to afford impartial justice to all men than in Japan. The judges are about all law graduates, and they are appointed after examination as to erudition and character.

When the modern light first burst upon Japan, there were practically no schools in the country, save a few Temples where the upper classes could gain a small degree of learning; while now the school is the first consideration, and education is a mania. There are over 120,000 trained teachers in Japan, and school-houses are everywhere. About 90 per cent, of the children, of school age, are in daily attendance. Last year the higher institutions of learning turned out near a million graduates. Normal schools are many and the kindergarten is becoming popular. In thirty-five years, the -Japanese from an almost universally uneducated people, have become almost universally educated, and in no country on the globe is there among the young a more universal and earnest desire, first, for education, and then for business. In fact the younger portion of the population 6eem ravenous for knowledge, and English, introduced into the school curriculum iu 1884, is earnestly studied by millions of the young. They are applying demonstrated means to the accomplishment of desired ends.

CHAPTER VIII.

From Despotism to Constitutionalism.

In 1875, the Emperor convoked a council of provincial governors, an a in a manifesto, said: “We call a council of tlie officials of our provinces, so that the feeling of the people may he made known and the public welfare attained. By these means we shall gradually confer upon the nation a constitutional form of Government.”

Mutsuhito believes in his people, he did not say "if” they proved worthy; but confidently assuming them ready and competent to become worthy of enjoying greater privileges, he hastened preparations. He was not mistaken, and the fact that he was not mistaken shows the mental capacity of the people, notwithstanding their long exclusion from modern light.

True to the suggestion in the first plank of the “Charter Oath” of 1809, in 1881 it was announced that a Constitutional Government would be established; urgent appeals were made for the people to prepare for new responsibilities, and in 1889, Japan emerged as a constitutional monarchy. On July 4th, 1890, the first elections were held, and the same year the people's representatives met and assumed the powers with which a generous monarch had by “supreme authority” clothed them.

With a view of educating the uneducated to self-rule, the suffrage was at first a qualified one; but as local government was established in the various provinces, district’s, cities, and towns, the electoral privileges have been widening, with the ultimate view of universal manhood suffrage.

I don’t like the court procedure in Japan, as it *s borrowed from the French, instead of from us; and I don’t like the Parliamentary procedure, as it was borrowed more from the German than from the British; but in no Legislative assembly or court of law whose sittings 1 have ever attended, is there more earnest dignity and decorum.

Religiously, the people of Japan associate with their Deities, they adore their ancestors, and they are the most peaceful and most absolutely tolerant people on this globe. If they think of the unbeliever, it is with a feeling of sorrow and not of reproach.

The world knows of Japan’s achievements in industry, in commerce, in diplomacy, and more especially in war; but these are only incidents of the changing times, and the merest trifles, too, when compared with her more enduring social, intellectual, and political progress.

While I deny that the achievements of Japan are more wonderful than those of the British race, though the latter was struggling upward for near two hundred years and the former was rushing forward but forty, every student must confess that in the whole range of history, there has never appeared another man, who in far-seeing wisdom, in a generous love of justice, in keeness of perception, in enlightened statesmanship and patriotism, worthy to be compared with this Oriental potentate; and to my notion, the ablest statesmen and diplomats of this age, are those now controlling the destinies of our Eastern Ally.

The material progress of Japan, though less conspicuous than her social, political, and moral progress, as compared with that of other nations, is equally surprising. From almost nothing, but thirty-five years ago, Japan by 1900 had some 5000 motor power manufacturing establishments, employing over 282,000 persons, with her older non-motive works, employing over 100,000 more. The list or variety of Japan’s manufactured goods is not a large one, but to the disgust of the faddist in art, her people have the practical wisdom to produce fabrics, not to please their own artistic taste, but to please their customers. And in this again they show their pliable natures.

Her steam tonnage increased from 15,000 to over 000,000 tons in thirty-two years, and her foreign trade, bounded from 20,000,000 annually to 530,000,000 yen, or over twenty-fold in the same time. Then it is said there is hardly a millionaire in Japan, hut there is hardly a pauper. While indolence in Japan is a disgrace, wealth as yet brings no flattery and no time servers. The old Sumurai are poor; but the old Sumurai created and now rule modern Japan.

As an illustration of the contempt among the Japanese for “money-grubbing,” a little story. One of the seven gods of luck is represented as a fat man, standing with either foot on a bale of rice, and when the lord or the lucky began to squeeze or to live wastefully, the caricaturists derisively represent the rice bags as being gnawed by rats. I have Count Okuma’s authority that the wealth of Japan has increased six-fold in thirty years. I admire Count Okuma; but this, to my mind should be qualified. I think a part of the increase has been in marking up the price of goods, though the real increase has been great.

A word as to the people. It is my opinion, as a traveller, a student, and an observer, that no people are more loyal to monarch or to country, more obedient to the laws, more respectful to parents or to the aged, more agreeable or polite in their social intercourse, more sober in their tastes, more modest in their pretensions, more eager for knowledge, or more passionately devoted to the arts of peace, than these same seemingly resistless inhabitants of the Empire of the Rising Sun.

But these people are very much in the public eye, and the skill, the promptness and the thoroughness with which they have done just what the world desired should be done, has aroused a feeling, certainly, of admiration, but admiration mingled with doubts, if not with another feeling, at least, akin to fear. Strange ! this proneness of men to impugn the motives of the successful!

CHAPTIvR IX.

Compelled to War.

As tlie lava tliat slowly but rcsistlessly pours down the sloping side of the volcano, and overwhelms the adjacent fields and towns and cities, so Russia for centuries has been spreading her despotic sway over many lands, subduing as she went, until, finally, she reached the eastern borders of the Asian Continent, from which she was plainly preparing for further conquest. By the rays of Occidental light, Japan, whose every nerve was taut in material effort, observed these ominous movements, and strove by every rational means to avert the evident danger. By her brilliant emergence from a war with her ponderous neighbour across the Yellow Sea, Japan at once became a nightmare to Russia's dream of conquest; so, backed by servile France and selfish Germany, she hastened to interfere; and as Great Britain and the United States were silent, she succeeded in depriving the heroic Islanders of the fruits of their splendid victory.

But worse, elated by the success of her historic meanness, having proven the sinister character of her allies, and observing the rather surprising silence of the Anglo-Saxon nations, the Northern Octopus threw its cold tentacles over the treasure she had compelled isolated little Japan to drop; and then, with disdainful deliberation, she began preparations for strengthening her new centres of aggression. By every means known to honour, to patience, to good nature, to statecraft, and to diplomacy, Japan, quietly pocketing her great wrongs, strove to secure some guarantee f. r future peace and safety; but wearied of Russia’s delays, nettled by her insolence, and alarmed by her tireless preparations for the assertion of further authority in the East, she cleared for action. The world was amazed; but because, in striking for justice, for existence, for life, and a lasting peace, she struck hard, and struck with a success unparalleled in the annals of war, a thoughtless half of the listless world have almost concluded that she enjoys suffering, that she loves war for war's sake, and that the legend, “a menace to the world’s peace," having proven a scarecrow in Russia’s case, should be now nailed upon Japan’s little door. To my notion, the distrust of the successful is the twinge of a guilty conscience, or the evidence of a little soul.

I do not pause to argue that Japan's cause in this bloody contest is just—that is indisputable—but 1 say that no unbiassed man, with the most superficial knowledge of Russian methods, and of Eastern geography, can deny that Japanese resistance to Russian aims was an absolute necessity to her future progress, if not, indeed, to her national life, and even to her racial existence.

CHAPTER X.

Need We Fear Japan’s Success?

Should Japan emerge from this contest victoriously, as now seems certain, is she likely to prove a military menace to the world’s peace? Or, almost worse, is she to smother us by industrial competition? This is not my question, but one that is frequently asked in many communities.

I have no unkind words for those disturbed by such unwarranted fears, for we have inherited a strong notion that power is likely to be exercised in the interests of oppression; and, further, we know that demagogues thrive by denying the most patent truths.

Unfortunately a great many very well meaning persons with very little knowledge, form opinions upon the most vital questions, and then should those topics become controversial they inquire and read, only to fortify their previously formed conclusions. Strange when so many of us are compelled to earn our own living, how few of us are ready to do our own thinking!

Here I desire to make a brief digression, justified, as I think, by a little transitory popular excitement. I express no disapproval of the desire among Australians for improved means of defence, for that seems not only a reasonable ambition, but as marking a natural phase of an evolutionary process in nation-building.

While I have an abiding faith that war, as a means of compromising differences, will soon vanish from the minds of all intelligent men, were I an Australian, pending the consummation of such hopes, I should strongly favour the contribution of a larger amount for the defence of the Empire. While Australia is an important portion of a powerful nation, slie is a far outlying province which, in less civilised ages, might have been a tempting morsel for which to test the skill of men in murderous strife. She should he better guarded, to my notion.

While we are making wonderful progress, our civilisation is little more than skin deep; so, as yet, even to insure partial safety, right must he emphasised by a show of might. Hut these things require careful meditation; they should be considered and discussed, not by alarmists, but by thoughtful men and women everywhere. Appeals to passions and to fears should be carefully scanned, for too often they are used to convince, while they are meant to advance a sinister purpose.

There are not a few men in Australia, to my notion, over-vain and under-informed, who have small love for the Empire, and who would applaud any movement that promised a glimpse of independence. It requires little discernment to discover, under the flaunting garb of “loyalty to Australia,” a feeling of deeply-seated indifference towards, or of actual disloyalty to the Empire; and all persons so seasoned are enthusiastic in the “national”—not the Imperial defence movement. As a fact, to many anxious and conspicuous champions of extremes, it means more than the bill shows, for no sooner would these persons imagine Australia strong enough to defend herself, than they would strive for her independence. I impugn no man’s motives; hut while many would make Australia a military camp from very fear, more would do so from a feeling of provincial pride and ambition; hut, to my mind, even more still would be moved by a cherished desire for Australian independence.

There are reckless heads that would banish the flag; there are ruthless hands that would lower it; but in those heads there is not the sagacity of statesmanship, nor in those hands the nerve of successful defenders. I love the British flag, for, but for it, mine would never have been.

Born and reared as I was, I have no love for the monarchical form of government; hut were I an Australian, on grounds both of policy and patriotism, I should be loyal to the Empire, and to the Crown of Britain.

If those who are, designedly or otherwise, striving for an independent Australia, should accomplish their purpose, and then happen to he correct in their professed fears for the future, they would probably soon rue the day; for, in my opinion, as a notice to “keep off the grpss,” there is more potency in the most faded and tattered scrap of hunting that ever fluttered in the breeze of Heaven, if there remains upon it a recognisable stamp of the Union Jack, than in all the guns that Australia would for many years be able to muster.

1 have carefully observed, and read, and studied, and thought, and I see no rational reason for fears; though if there is a hidden spark, from the follies of extremists it may be fanned into a flame, and then possibly into a conflagration. “By trifling with our opportunities we may escape from our safety.”

ff tlie wise, the cool-headed, and the sagacious take counsel with their interests, these great problems may be thought out; but if the ambitious, the self-seeker, and the weak are to lead, they may have to be fought out. The times demand most careful consideration.

But, back to Japan.

Do the Japanese like war? We are constantly taught that the Japanese are a war-loving people; but this is one of the most popular of the many present fallacies, for no people were ever more controlled by their religion, and no religion ever taught more the sacredness of human life. They are proud, a little haughty, and earnest; so they fight hard, when fight they must. That tells it all. Of aH people, to my mind, the Japanese are most closely in touch with their deities, and of all religions, Buddhism is the most averse to the taking of life. Life, to the Buddhist, is sacred, and this is why life is so much more respected and more secure in Oriental than in Occidental countries. The Divine Buddha would give his life to a famishing tiger; but the Japanese, though worshipping Buddha, are awfully human, and while they love peace—while quarrelling and fignung, and the taking of life are abhorrent to their natures—yet, to protect their rights, their honour, their Emperor, or their country, it seems they would about all die together. AVar-loving, indeed! In 2,500 years the Japanese have been engaged in but five foreign wars, and none of these were either barbarous, severe, or prolonged; and though during the formative period of the nation, there were domestic conflicts, wars with them were not one-twentieth as frequent, nor as bloody, as were the wars of medieval Europe during the same age. We of the British race are very loving; but Britain had more wars, and probably lost more men by war, during one-tliird of the eighteenth century, than Japan did during the eight hundred years preceding the restoration. Further, from the date of the settlement of Jamestown, Virginia, 1007, there was absolute and profound peace in Japan for over two hundred and fifty years, or during the coming and going of seven generations of men. And remember, all people must be true to their inherited instincts. Thus, ’tis seen that history shows the Japanese to be the greatest lovers of peace, and the most averse to war, of any people on the globe.

The Japanese love industry—and they will die to protect it. And they love peace, and will fight to secure it. And when they fight, they fight as they work—intelligently; as they live—strenuously; and as they worship—with an unfaltering faith in results.

The military man—naturally thinking about force—-the superficially read man, the loose-reasoning man, the professional agitator, and all the nervous pessimists, are sure that Japan will want to whip somebody, because she has demonstrated her skill in war, and her ability to fight. But no intelligent student can conceive of the possibility of such a desire—save when she is compelled to draw the sword in defence of her rights.

Then, whatever confident mortals who enjoy the thrilling terrors of borrowed fears may assert, the barbarous game of war is about played out. This war was but an incident of an oversight. Had Britain and America, at the psychological moment, raised a finger in dissent at Russia’s audacious action, this war would not havo happened. War is becoming too expensive: its results are too dreadful; and, we have seen, too uncertain. Besides, the world is always moved by dominant ideas, and the dominant thought to-day is business.

As to the martial spirit in Japan, or tho desire of the people for conquest, how can a man, after careful inquiry, entertain such an opinion ? I have travelled much in Japan, I have associated with all sorts of people, under the most favorable conditions, and while there may be a few, a very few, “jingoes,” I failed to meet one young man who (though willing to go to the war, or even to be killed, if called upon) wanted to go. None looked upon the war as a pleasant outing or adventure. All hoped for an early peace, as they were all interested in industrial and business affairs. This feeling is natural, and what any student might have expected to find; for in every case in the world’s history, where a nation has been suddenly aroused to new action, the line or character of the awakening influence has been followed. We instinctively imitate or follow those who startle us, and as Japan was aroused by a commercial influence, she naturally turned her attention in that direction. And this cruel diversion will only strengthen her love for her more natural sphere of action. All the plans and the aspirations of the Japanese to-day are for business, for trade, for industrial pursuits—with education as the instrument of success.

The schools, public and private, are full of young men, all eager for education, for business instruction, for a life of industrial enterprise—but there is no martial ambition present. War is regarded as a misfortune, but a misfortune to be got rid of only by giving Russia her quietus. “We do not want to impoverish our people by war,” said a leading business man in Osaka to me; “we want to enrich, them by commerce.” My experience is that this is the universal feeling. Then the Japanese, by religion, by tradition, by temperament and by education are “war-like”—only when Avar becomes a neces^ sity to avert even greater evils. We are assured that Japan, being very densely peopled, must conquer hoav territory for the growing surplus population. This is another popular error.

CHAPTER XI.

Is Japan Over-Populated?

The question of the capacity of a country to support a population is a moot one, as it depends upon so many contigencies. When the popular fears of overcrowding induced Parson Malthus to write, the British Isles had hardly more than 8,000,000 souls; while now, there are, living on a much higher plane, about five times that number.

A\ ith her almost limitless power to increase the production of her two chief exports, silk and tea; with her undeveloped mines of various kinds; with her hundreds of waterfalls to be harnessed, and modern implements to be placed in the deft hands of the people—beside the room in Formosa and Yezzo, and the empty space that the coming peace will give her—the three Islands that include Japan proper—Honsho, Iviushi, Shikoku—are capable of supporting, on a greatly improved plane of living, double the present population.

Then, to my notion, and I am so convinced by careful inquiry, the people not only are not inclined to military pursuits or foreign aggression, but they are not inclined to emigrate, in large numbers, from this “garden of the gods;” for by a tradition that makes them joint heirs with Japan’s creators, by a religion that has ever associated them with their dieties, and a sentiment that through ancestor, family, clan, and Emperor worship, makes them one in nature, they are more strongly attached to their own country than are any other people whose history I have studied.    •

But, further, tlie marvellous march, of modern Japan speaks volumes for the ability of her statesmen, and can one imagine an obliquity of judgment that would lead them into a policy which would do violence both to the national traditions, and to the course of action by which they have won the sympathy and the admiration of the whole impartial world Y This is not only irrational, but is impossible of belief by any intelligent inquirer.

CHAPTER XII.

Is Japan FoolisH and Ungrateful?

But if it wore possible, by any sad mischance, that Japan should lose her head, or should the “jingoes” gain a temporary lease of power, and determine upon an aggressive policy, save toward Asia, in what direction would she turn ? She could turn only on her friends. Is this likely?

Let us examine. None know better than the Japanese themselves how much they owe to Anglo-Saxon light ; none know better than they how sorry would have been their condition to-day, with neither Britain’s alliance nor America’s sympathy; and with the Japanese, however many their faults, treachery and ingratitude are not among them. Where could they turn with such mad designs, save towards the Philippines, or Australia? And this is inconceivable, as disloyalty to Empire, friend, or benefactor, among the Japanese, is impossible.

Let us reason together, and measure the results, should so unreasonable a design be entertained by this reasonable people. With a success that has made her the cynosure of all eyes, Japan is being critically watched, and her aspirations, her intentions, and her possibilities are being jealously measured. I know the world is not yet sufficiently far removed from the reign of brute force to enable it to look complacently upon a power easily directed to evil purposes, but reason should not yield the whole stage to fear. Japan cannot escape observation, and the slightest betrayal of a weakness on her part for foreign aggression would be hastily resented.

liy many bonds stronger than treaties, tlie Anglo-Saxon States must co-operate in their diplomacy of the future; while, from a fear of the “yellow peril,” an aggressive Japan could expect no sympathy from Europe. Whatever the ignorant, and the demagogues, or the occasional politicians may say, destiny has decreed that the Anglo-Saxon States, whom all the other ambitious nations envy and dislike, shall march together. And when we consider Japan’s leal poverty; her small variety in natural and national resources; her absolute inability, unaided, to create or provide for an army or a navy; and imagine the alienation of the sympathies of the Occidental world, the idea of her cherishing hostile feelings, much less putting them into practice, is beyond the pale of argument. Then let those too timid to trust her integrity, rely upon her weakness, for safety.

Wars are expensive doings in these days, and as Japan has little wealth, and no internal means for creating the munitions of war; no credit, outside of Anglo-Saxon sympathy; who could supply the needful P Whence would come her battleships ? And how long could she fill her guns? And how long would she remain in business, do you think, should she be so mad as to place a hostile foot on the smallest island of the Philippine Archipelago, or upon the most barren rock of the Australasian world ? The probabilities of such dire eventualities are too remote for discussion, and impossibility should close the argument.

In the whole world’s history there is not found a stronger proof of a nation’s love for peace and domestic happiness than is shown in the policy of Japan, during two hundred and sixty years prior to the restoration; and in all the world’s experience no nation ever showed a greater liking for industry, for domestic improvement, for commerce, for education, for general enlightenment, than has this same Japan, during the thirty-seven years since the restoration. And why should it not be more rational, more generous, more in harmony with cur pretensions, to look forward, and after the dawn of peace, to see the people with the same splendid intellect, the same matchless energy, the same manliness of purpose, and the same resistless force with which the insolent hordes of [Russia have been swept from the sea and its borders, return with unabated vigour to the old and more congenial pursuits, reluctantly suspended under a national necessity ?

CHAPTER XIII.

The Fear of China.

Those who enjoy the pleasing terror of an imaginary danger, already see Japan organising the “countless millions” of China, with a purpose of overrunning everything, and obliterating the blonde from the earth. Poor blonde ! While the same God Who made all men of one kindred showed a strong partiality for the darker hues; while, in fact, not more than one-fourtli of the human race claims to he “white,” and less than one-eighth are really so (and they are disappearing, according to scientists), many innocent persons are troubled about the Divine arrangement.

The idea of organising China as a “military machine,” and of communicating to the mass the soul and the martial spirit now supposed to be animating the Japanese, is too manifestly impossible for the credence of any student worthy of being regarded as a thinker. I confess that noted soldiers, who always count noses instead of weighing heads, have, in their minds, transformed these hordes of poor, patient toilers into devastating armies; but reason, history, and science are all against them.

Civilisation is a humanising sentiment, and racial traits are matters of growth. In China, for thousands of years, it has been held that no gentleman should fight — that is, be a soldier—while commerce, in social respectability, ranked next to high official life. The martial spirit in China, notwithstanding Gordon and other muscular dreamers, is non-existent. China is industrial, with the most tireless patience in the world; she is for business, with the finest ability, and the highest integrity found among men. Practically, too, there is no Chinese nation—though there is a Chinese people, writing one, and speaking a hundred languages or dialects, dwelling in almost isolated social groups, with strong local or clan leanings, but not a trace of national patriotism. As a beast would defend its lair, the inhabitants of a narrow locality, or social group, might indulge in a bold riot in resistance to encroachments; but general armed co-operation in China is a sociological impossibility.

Through thousands of years of custom and heredity, China has been industrial, and being essentially industrial, are strongly inclined to trade, to shop-keeping, and commerce; through industrial interests alone China may be slowly organised on industrial lines. This is her hope, her goal, the limit of her present racial possibilities.

CHAPTER XIV.

The “Yellow Peril” an Economic Fallacy.

But, then comes a new shoal of alarmists, and worse than the others, for they deceive the ignorant by grotesquely posing as teachers of industrial and social economics. The less informed, but more numerous and more persistent class of these timid mortals have raised a gaudy danger signal, marked “Asiatic Competition,” with a claim that we will be ruined by “cheap Asiatic labour,” and they “go for the heathen Chinee.” It is written of Lula Turin, one of the bravest of lion-tamers, that as she arose from her bed one morning, shei reached for her stocking, out of which, as she touched it, a mouse rushed and scampered away. She fainted, and could not enter the den for the day, owing to nervousness. What mouseish freaks presumptuous mortals show, even those of the “superior” mould!

In the face of the fact that these fears are disproved by every lesson of history, by every intelligent inquiry, and by the industrial situation of every country on earth where normal conditions exist; in the face of the fact mat in America, with the highest wage scale on earth, the per cent, of labour cost in staple wares is the lowest; in the face of the fact that Britain, always paying a higher wage than any European competitor, beats them in every market ; in the face of the indisputable fact that everywhere, under normal conditions, high wages mean efficient labour and economical production; in the face of the fact that the high wage and not the low wage nations are not only the strongest competitors in the world’s markets, but the best customers—it seems a pity to waste space in meeting this transparent fallacy; but error, if not exposed, aired, and passed around for inspection, may become dangerous.

Wages are everywhere high, to the extent to which genius has armed the toiler with improved implements- -and thus increased his productive capacity and they are low, and lower still, as the effectiveness of the implements dwindles to a vanishing point, where the barehanded toiler lives on roots and berries and shell fish.

Wealth is labour’s surplus, so the highest wage nations on the globe are the richest, as in bigb-wage labour there is a larger surplus. And, on the contrary, the lowest wage nations on the globe are the poorest as low-wage labour furnishes a meagre surplus. Wealth is the surplus of production over consumption. In America, wages are high, ancf the people are rich, because labour is efficient, and a larger surplus enables the people to buy many things; while China and Japan are poor, and wages are low, because labour is so inefficient that there is little to buy with, and the people, though goods may be cheap, are close to the hungry point.

Wages are not low in China and Japan because the people are many; and the people do not live hard because they are satisfied to do so; but because of the primitiveness of industry, and because there is consequently but a small output with which to buy. The people of both countries are fond of good things, and only live hard from necessity.

Let us put it another way. Wages are not high in America, say, because of the nation being rich, but the nation is rich, because wages are high—which means that labour is efficient, and leaves a surplus—and, on the other hand, wages are not low in Asiatic countries—or any other—because those nations are poor, but the nations are poor, because wages are low which means that labour is bare-handed, or inefficient. Further, the highest wage nations are everywhere our best customers, declining in value as customers as the wages decrease—for all people must buy with their wages.

Again, man being the eternally dissatisfied animal, with infinite wants bnt with finite productive powers, wages always and everywhere increase with the improved ■efficiency of labour. Other things being equal, the wants of men are also about equal, and all buy and consume goods, almost to the full extent of their ability to pay for them.

Let us reason together. In area, in population, and in climatic conditions, Britain and Japan are rather similar; but because of the efficiency of labour in Britain, wages are high, and the nation is rich, and the people are able to buy of the outer world about £12 annually for every man, woman, and child; while, because labour is inefficient in Japan, wages are low, and the nation is consequently poor, and the people can buy annually but about 14/- per man, woman, and child.

If financially enabled to do so, the 45,000,000 Japanese would buy more of the outer world than the 40,000,000 British do, and what a boon that would be to Australia and America ! But we are told they would ruin us with their competition, as their labour is cheap. Nonsense ! Wages must necessarily rise with the increased efficiency of labour, and for everything they would have to sell they would want something from us, and all they could get, too, in return. What would they want from Australia? The things they are unable to produce in Japan—meat, wool, dairy produce, etc.-—and these happen to be just what Australasia has in such abundance.

If production in Japan to-day were as great and as profitable as it is in Britain, the wages of the people of Japan would be as high, and their wants as numerous, and in that condition Australia would sell even more to Japan than she now sells to Britain, as the nearness in distance, and the character of her surplus would give Australia an advantage over all other competitors. The idea that Japan would become a great producing country, and a strong competitor, without raising the wages of her people, and becoming a valuable consumer, is too absurd for argument; for, besides the rule I have quoted being in harmony with every lesson in history, and every experience of man, no people have finer, or more exacting tastes than the Japanese, and, make no mistake, few people value more highly their newly acquired rights, or better understand that modern civilisation means better things.

CHAPTER IV.

Future Possibilities of Cbina.

This same argument, these same indisputable facts, apply with even greater force to China, which we will now examine from her only real, salient aspect her industrial future.

The Chinese claim a population of at least 400,000,000 souls, or over a fourth of the whole human race. Since long before the date of authentic history, the Chinese have been a race of industrial drudges, chiefly devoted to agricultural pursuits. The people are civil, peace-loving, patient, industrious, intelligent, and fixed in faith and purpose but in abject poverty. There is no finer country on earth. There are no more industrious people, but as all wealth must come from toil, and as creative effort in China has always been carried on by the most primitive methods, as hard as a vast majority of the people work, the surplus of production over consumption has been so small that the national wealth is small, and the mass of the people are, and always have been, close, very close, to the hungry line.

But arm China with the implements of modern industry, and what would be the results? Let us compare things of like character—for thus must arise all knowledge of all things.

But half a century ago, when Perry cast anchor in Yeddo Bay, the industrial and commercial situation of Japan seemed to the outer world as dark and hopeless as that of China, and even more so than does that of the China of to-day. The foreign trade of Japan, before that event, was nil; and twelve years later, at the time of the restoration, in 1868, it was not much over two shillings per cap., while thirty-five years later it had run up to near £1 6/- per cap. Think of it. In their common sentiments, in their wants and desires for a better plane

of living, there was very little difference as between the people of the two countries half a century ago. But a slow awakening for China, with her ponderous mass, will be safer, for should she arouse as suddenly as did .Japan, t lie quickened demands for many things would lead to disastrous speculative contusion. But such an advance by China would bring to the commercial nations a new trade, about equal to the present total imports of the United Kingdom, and to satisfy Australasia’s share in this, semiweekly steamers, of large capacity, would be running from Sydney to Hongkong.

But even this would be but the dawn of the new day, the opening of the great show, the beginning of the end to which all aim. China needs 200,000 miles of railways; 100,000,000 families are in need of better homes, better food, better raiment, better education, and better everything that makes life worth living, and as rapidly as her deft hands can be armed with the modern implements of industry, that a means,of buying may be provided, all these hopes will be on the way to realisation.

China, poor, bare-handed and wretched as to-day, is a fester on this world's fair face; for she can neither satisfy her own wants, nor contribute to the word's profits. As a . fact, unprovided with modern methods, she remains a menace to the peace of the world, for her misery will always be made a traffic until danger comes.

But arm the Chinese with modern implements of industry, let her people rise by enterprise until the average becomes “hip high” to the average Briton, and the trade of China would be more valuable to the commercial world than that of the whole of Continental Europe to-day.

CHAPTER XVI.

The “Dumping” Bogey.

But again, we are assured, that if the Chinese were furnished with modern appliances, they would dump their goods upon us, and smother us out. How pleasant! Then we could have a rest, cares would cease, for maybe they would kindly furnish our amusements also. What a pitiable lack of logic 1 As a fact, like industrial Britain or America, China, in any industrial condition, would toil to improve her plane of living, as she toils now to live. Like those, she would trade for the advantage we call profits, and like all others, she would only “dump” her goods on foreign wharves, where more desirable goods were ready to be “dumped” back into the holds of great steamers for the return voyage.

Commerce is the basis of civilisation; but commerce is but the exchange of goods, by a process we call buying and selling. A nation that cannot produce, cannot buy; a nation that produces, and will not buy, cannot sell; so dumping must be a double process—dumping in and dumping out. Those wanting the most goods, always bring the most to the dump.

But “Chinese labour” is so cheap, says the alarmist and this    is    assumed, because wages

in China are low. But China does very little “dumping” on anybody—only about £22,000,000 worth per annum,    by her 400,000,000 people—

while America, with but one-fiftli of China’s population, and paying fully eight times higher wages, ’dumps” down on foreign wharves near £000,000,000 worth, or over fourteen times more. But neither nation “dumps” into any foreign wharf what is not wanted in the foreign

port, and however roundabout the trade may be, the dumper returns with the ship loaded. Even the nations that have become practically but workshops—those like Belgium and Denmark and Switzerland dump no more goods on the outside markets than they dump in the ships as return cargoes. In fact, it is to buy, to make the foreigner a market, that all cargoes go abroad.

But if it were possible to so arm China with modern knowledge and modern implements, as to make her industry as productive as that of America, without increasing her wages, the effect would be “big bargains,” as the outer world would get an enormous amount of what they wanted for what they had to spare. But this is not possible, for under an economic law, as unerring as any law of human progress, wages, under all normal conditions, must increase with the increased efficiency and productive capacity of labour. And should we ignore all our humanitarian notions, and treat human labour as a mere factor in production, this rule would not be varied, for every force in progress tells to labour’s advantage.

Labour is the primal, as well as the active factor m production, and wealth is but labour’s surplus, the storings of the yesterdays. Wages and profits come from output; quickened output increases profit; increased profits tend to the growth of industrial enterprise, and this enlarges the demand for labour; and, of course, raises wages. But further increased output, by increased efficiency of labour, not only increases profits and wages—by the increase of the fund from which both are drawn—but it lowers prices, and thus increases consumption, by placing more desired things within the reach of an ever-enlarging class of consumers.

We all, or about ^11, buy up to the possibilities of our incomes, and over 99 per cent, of the total earnings of all the people of all countries are spent and consumed “as we go along.” The wants and the demands of the people of Japan have enormously increased during the last thirty-seven years; the wages of the people are advancing ; and the wants of the people of China will also increase as the light is turned on, and the demands will also increase with the possibilities of their satisfaction. Wages must necessarily increase with the increased intelligence of the toiler and the increased efficiency of the organs of production.

CHAPTER XVII.

Some Significant Considerations.

The present war marks an era in the march of human progress. Japan, a small section of the almost limitless East, has been aroused, and the commercial nations are gaining a first glimpse of the possibilities of this new old world. As an individual unit, or as cells in the race organism, about the only difference between the Japanese and the Chinese is that the former are awake, and the latter are just beginning to rub their eyes.

Japan is traditionally industrial; she was aroused by an industrial movement. Until compelled to defend her rights, and to secure her future safety, she won the world’s admiration by her intelligence and her progress in the arts of peace; and now China, being industrial by tradition, with every fibre in her peculiar composition trained to peaceful pursuits, is being aroused by an industrial movement, and the world never beheld an intellectual, moral, or industrial unfoldment, such as is now just beginning to warm itself into action in the Far East.

Asia has not to be newly populated; the soil upon which to operate is fertile; and the labour standing with skilful, but empty hands; and as the implements are given, an industrial structure, such as humanity never beheld, must arise as an imperishable monument to the genius and the enterprise of this wonderful age. And unless the present movement is marred by the follies of rulers, we stand at the dawn of the mightiest intellectual, social, moral, industrial, political, and religious revolution the world ever beheld—with business as the dominant idea.

Centres of activity, of trade, of industry, wealth, fashion, and learning are to undergo many changes; for the East anil tlie West have not only met, but they are to coalesce. The richest trade centres and the most opulent cities on the globe are to arise on the Eastern Asian borders ; and great merchant fleets, of the largest ships afloat, with the richest cargoes, are soon to plough the Pacific seas. The Occident, too, will grow from wider trade, but as a conflagration from the Anglo-Saxon torch; an emanation from the Anglo-Saxon brain; a “gorgeous East,” based upon diplomacy, business sense, modern industry, and commercial enterprise, will arise, and carry to the remote interior of Asia and down to future ages that creature of Anglo-Saxon genius—modern civilisation.

In harmony with a Divine admonition, but only following out a social trait, our race cast its bread upon the waters some time ago, and if we do not divert the current, “after many days,” it is to return to us ; for, at the opening of this great exhibition, we not only have complimentary tickets, but we have a sort of proprietary interest. And better still, we have stalls close to the main entrance.

Britain has Hongkong, the commercial wonder of all the ages; and America has the Philippines, with their splendid strategic position and boundless resources. Then, America, the giant offspring of Britain’s first colonial enterprise; and Canada, with her enterprising people, are just across the seas; while here, in the premier position for this great movement, is Queenly Australia—soon to be but eight days’ sail from Hongkong.

Strange, but there are people in this land of schools and books and great newspapers who, because the Almighty placed Australia a little nearer than her competitors to the country destined to become her largest and most profitable customer, are haunted with dread. I have endeavoured to calm those fears. But, let us think. During the formative period of the new old East, enormous capital will flow in for use in the construction work, and most of this will be expended in the purchase of material.

of implements, and supplies of various kinds, for those who, on increased wages, are to carry on the work of transformation. And of all things most in demand for this marvellous movement, the surplus products of Australasia are of the character to find the most ready, the most constant, continued and profitable market. Unless some unforeseen calamity stops, for a time, this train of Eastern progress, the chief surplus of Australia will soon be sent a few thousand miles north, to a newer and better market, instead of half-way round the world, to face sharper competition. And when the “show” fairly opens, steamers on the run between Australia and the East will be about as regular and as plentiful as the express trams now are between her widely separated States and capitals.

And then, besides the wonderful impetus this greater market will give to the industry of Australia, her accessibility to the new commercial theatre, the call upon her to furnish an ever-needed staple, and her vast unoccupied lands, will make her a most attractive country, to which millions of the most desirable immigrants will come to establish future homes; and, as a buyer who goes forth with a full purse, she may choose those she would have to fill her waste places. Of all people on this globe, the Australasians have least to lose, and most to gain; least to dread, and most to hope for, from the new social structure that now looms up before the vision of every impartial student—of every rational enquiring man.

These splendid pictures of the awakening East will soon become splendid realisations; but the character of the implements of progress, the architectural style of the social edifice, the soul and the sentiments of the new civilisation, depend much upon ourselves—I mean upon the Anglo-Saxon race. Don’t forget, in all these movements, if not treaty allies, Britain and America are silent partners, and co-operation is necessary to future progress, if not to future safety.

As business is fhe dominant thought of the age, and as human happiness is primarily based upon the satisfac-

tion of human wants, which human wants can only he satisfied by industrial progress and commercial enterprise, I make no apology for confining my arguments to the selfish interests of men. Argue as we may of higher views, enlightened selfishness is the main spring of human action, and it is only in the higher enlightened selfishness that nobler ideals are found.

In my opening remarks, I endeavoured to reveal the back ground upon which I was to throw the picture. I reviewed the early policy pursued by our race, the methods followed later and the instrumentalities by which we overcame many difficulties, and won for ourselves the vast possessions of which we have taken a brief glimpse. I held that the world marched forward by Anglo-Saxon light; that modern civilisation was a creature of Anglo-Saxon enterprise; that to the genius of our race was humanity indebted for about all that the present has better than what existed at the dawn of the 17th century; and that having acquired so much of the earth’s surface, having led humanity to the upper windows of thought, our matchless achievements have brought, not only powers and privileges, but duties and responsibilities as well. Further, while it has brought wealth and happiness and comfort to our race, and hope to many other nations, it has also raised up jealousies and even enmities, mostly among those who today march so proudly by borrowed light—and the interest, if not, indeed, the safety of our civilisation, demands of us a patriotism broader than our provincial lines, and the most enlightened statesmanship.

CHAPTER XVIII.

A Chapter of Anglo-Saxon Prog'ress.

Tlie world wonders at Japan’s progress, but, beliold a chapter in our own history ! At the opening of the last century, but 20,000,000 people on the globe spoke our language, and there was not a steamer, a railroad, a telegraph, a power press, or any of the thousand utilities created since we harnessed Nature to the car of progress. But besides generating the mental force from which the present industrial system arose, our language has become the common speech of 120,000,000 of people; while, now, our civilisation, our commercial methods—and their mode of expression—are rapidly spreading among the most remote settlements of the earth.

Let us think again. We have progressed, not more by reason of our inherent flexibility of character than by diplomacy. We have always been able to adjust ourselves to environing conditions, to appropriate available means and instrumentalities. Now, we have reached a crucial stage in our racial career. The great movement of the East looms largely up before us, a prodigy in which the whole commercial world will participate, and a movement that is lo characterise and tone, if, indeed, not to reconstruct the civilization of the whole human race for all time.

What a solemn duty! What a tremendous responsibility! But what a splendid opportunity for a test of the physical, mental, and moral fibre of our race, as evolved by the stormy scenes of the past! But how are we to proceed ?—for that is the riddle of the Sphinx.

China, of course, is to be the main theatre; the Chinese are to be harnessed to the chariot of progress, but wlio are to shift the curtains, who are to write the plays, who are to manage the opening ceremonies and share the “takings?” The results of the whole performance depend upon the methods to be pursued in organising China, in touching her heart and her soul and her consciousness, and in winning her confidence. Now what means can we apply to the accomplishment of the ends desired? This is vital.

Well, thanks to the inherited virtues of our race, to the wisdom of those leaders who saw but the vaguest glimpses of the present, we occupy the most favoured position among the nations, for let me tell you China can only be good naturedly awakened, and her confidence can only be won through the skilful diplomacy, and firm but familiar hand of Japan- “Our Eastern Ally.” Let us think again.

I


CHAPTER XIX.

Japan and CHina.

More than 1700 years ago, Japan began to assimilate Chinese culture; she adopted the Chinese written language, and she went to China for her religion. As early as the 8th century she organised her Government on the bureaucratic plans of China, and, as far as possible, she assimilated Chinese ideas and manners, based largely upon Confucianism. As China and Korea were Japan’s only neighbours, her only means of gaining external light, her only source of mental friction, there naturally grew up a feeling of harmony, and, for all these centuries, these nations have been moved by kindred language, sentiments, and political systems. As almost a child of her intellectual life, with so many essentials of social being in common, China understands Japan; and in the innermost hearts of her educated classes, I am assured by Chinese scholars, there is a peculiar pride, a kind of proprietary interest, in Japan’s marvellous success. China has felt the resistless power of Japan; she has seen Japan assail, crush, and banish the great Northern bully who has so insolently ridden over her own rights, and she sees in Japan’s proud position to-day the vague glimpse of a hopeful light that, but for her, would have still appeared as the acme of terror.

Through a kindred written language and a kindred religion, philosophy, culture, and many centuries of association ; by diplomacy, by persistence, by strength of character and the respect that superior force brings, if in a gloved hand, the soul of China can be touched, and the confidence of China can be won; but by no other means is this possible. And this is the open sesame, the magic key to the heart of China.

Japan has always looked abroad for light. Being an island people, she has proven the most receptive and

teachable of all races. She accepted the old light and made the best of it, and when opportunity came, she readily appropriated the instruments of a newer and better civilisation. But, mentally and sentimentally, this quick and teachable Island people, while differing in many essentials from the pliable Occidental, had many points of affinity; but as between the more progressive European and the Chinese, so old in their customs, so numerous, so provincial in their patriotism, so deeply rooted in their ancient notions, so ponderous in their social and territorial environment, and withal having so many rather just and deeply seated prejudices, the gulf is measureless; and, without perplexing trials and endless failures, yes, without force, or a resort to means that might shatter the whole fabric, and require centuries of confusing and unworthy efforts to re-establish, the European, to my notion, can never win China to modern civilisation.

Japan must bo the physician for poor old China’s ills. She must carry the light, skilfully made her own and reflected, as it were, through Chinese lanterns, to the soul and the understanding of this strange old people. Japan, as the most receptive and teachable of all peoples, readily accepts everything seemingly good, works it over, gives it a Japanese touch, tone, and flavour, and when it is seasoned to the Oriental palate, these Chinese, the least receptive and least teachable of all people, will take the dose almost by unconscious absorption—when politely administered by a strong, respected and kindred hand. We may furnish the ingredients, the pigments, the instruments, and the light; but only the dexterous hand of the Japanese can give the character and taste that will make the potion acceptable to the mental palate of the ‘‘Heathen Chinee.”

While there is really hardly such a thing as national pride or patriotism among the Chinese, and little means of communication, yet it has gone to the most remote village that the Japanese, a kindred race, has vanquished and expelled the most dreaded of the “foreign devils,” and as there are already many thousands of Japanese scattered over China, the work of conciliating the people will be easy, even if slow.

From many causes the Chinese dislike all foreigners, but whatever of Occidental culture, manners, or methods are accepted and assimilated by the Japanese, may by this sort of a label, be passed to China by Japanese hands the offensive foreign odor having disappeared. In this guise only can the exhilarating potion be administered, for in this guise many Occidental ideas will pass current as Japanese. Then, too, by this process the new will have been made suitable to Oriental requirements. J apan’s changed condition, too, speaks louder man millions of testimonials.

We could not go to China if we would, for the gulf is too broad and turbulent. Then, we would not if we could, as we are over sure of the divinity of our own mission. On tlie other hand, the Chinese can not come to us, not only because we are repellant to them, but because of their inherent immobility. We cannot penetrate the gloom of China, because of our defective vision ; and they will not see the splendour of our social system, because of a dwarfed imagination. But the mobile Japanese, the attractive fringe of a kindred race, may freely flow through China, and as the light by which they move becomes familiar, China will unconsciously fall into the procession—as the loaves and fishes will seem savoury.

The secret of Japan's unparalleled success is easily discernible. It rests upon a rare mental idiosyncrasy. With splendid discrimination she is able to form an unbiassed judgment between even her own customs and the customs of others; and by a skill that rises to genius, she easily applies demonstrated means or instrumentalities to the accomplishment of desired ends. This cunning never fails her, so we may wisely take one lesson from the East.

CHAPTER XX.

Our Eastern Ally.

Well, Japan is “Our Ally”-—so we are in the band waggon. We turned on the tirst light. The British created the Japanese Navy, and from Oriental confusion, perfected her coinage system, and the Americans constructed and placed on a high pinnacle her educational system. Together, we have been Japan’s best customers, her most enterprising business instructors, and when the clouds lowered upon her horizon, Britain, as a contracting ally, with America as a silent partner, have not only shown an encouraging sympathy and a determined purpose to see fair play, but they have given financial backing as well, without which her struggles would have been hard indeed. Britain and America are the only leading nations by whom Japan has been treated fairly, and they are the only nations who now respect, without fearing her.

In the great coming movement of the East, the Japanese, besides holding peculiarly unique, racial, religious, and sentimental relations to the Chinese, and geographically occupying, for the work in liana, the most favoured of all positions, are drawn to us by so many ties, so many considerations of friendship, gratitude, and kindred aspirations, that a triple coalition practically already exists; and this alliance, formed by the cohesive power of mutual aims and purposes, must prove the more cordial by reason of the cool comfort which other nations grudgingly gave Japan during the days of hei affliction.

CHAPTER XXI.

Conclusion.

All progress comes through tribulation, and to my mind, never in the history of human affairs were the prospects of continued peace, and the hopes for spreading the blessings of liberty and civilisation, so encouraging as at this very moment.

Russia, the terror of the world for a hundred years, has been crushingly humiliated, and her own people will be vastly benefitted by her collapse. France, of old a source of danger, has turned passionately to industrial affairs; Germany, though armed to the teeth, and on mock parade, is being controlled more and more by business considerations, and the Anglo-Saxon nations always for peace, save when forced to defend honor or interest—are happily allied with Japan—to-day the most potent power in the world for the great work now in hand; so we should hurriedly put our house in order, organise and harmonise our forces, and thus prepare for a more glorious future than humanity ever before beheld.

As the nations are armed as never before, I realise how the thoughtless will laugh at this conclusion; but the fact remains, that every soldier, and every battleship, and. every gun are in commission, not for aggression purposes, but with a view of perpetuating peace. War is not only becoming too expensive, too destructive, and too risky, but the savage is disappearing, and humanity begins to revolt against human slaughter. Don't tell me war will always be carried on because of frail human nature, for I tell you a Christian gentleman is just as human as a savage. Human nature is progressive.

Speaking to a British audience recently, a noted American is quoted as having said:—“We pursue under different historical forms with equal success, the same objects, of liberty, of justice, of public, welfare; and our interests are so inextricably interwoven that we would not, if we could, and could not if we would, escape the necessity of an abiding and perpetual friendship.” A few of us obscure men have been saying as much for years, but light comes from high places.

With our race, America and Britain, holding most of the salient points of the globe; with the Suez and Panama in our care; with the universal feeling that '“war is dreadful,” and that there should be a surcease of slaughter, and a happy combination of circumstances and conditions that strongly suggest co-operation between ourselves, and an alliance with Japan as I remarked, the most potent power on earth for the purposes in view as a member of this holy trinity, the future should be promising indeed. And unless these projects are defeated by some jealous, thoughtless, or jarring element within the pale of our own circle, the present century should see the barbarism of war abolished, with Anglo-Saxon ideas, methods, language; and civilisation, the dominant force in the world’s progress.

But remember, for all time, the “Eastern question” of to-day is of the most vital interest to Britain and America; and our future industrial development, our commerce, social progress, and our mission as a civilising power, depend to an immeasurable degree upon the awakening of China, and in all this don’t forget, that absolutely essential to our ultimate aims, to our progress in the East, to our future prestige among the Nations, and to the maintenance of our own peculiar civilisation, is the earnest and effective co-operation of Japan—our Eastern Ally. If the appearances of the present are not false, then wisdom and justice alike dictate that all parties to this triune enterprise should carefully cultivate the most friendly and harmonious inter-relations,

Our ancestors gave us the fibre, we ourselves have clone much to create present conditions, and the fates now give us splendid opportunities for the accomplishment of great things, and so mote it he.

I have finished my sketch—a vision of the real, merging into the ideal; and while I am aware that most of what I have said, with the memory of myself, will soon he floating as waste on the sea of oblivion, I know that some of the ideas I have expressed will flow forever on. For the good 1 might do my race, I wish I were great. I wish some man of transcendent ability, to whose burning words the ear would cling until they sank into the heart, would say to the Anglo-Saxon world what I have endeavoured to write. 1 wish some man whose exalted position demanded attention, could see this wonderful awakening in the mythical East as I see it; could hear the tread of the forward march as 1 hear it; could feel the weight of our racial responsibilities as I feel them; and could realise the social, industrial, and commercial importance of this marvellous economic change as I realise it; and would proclaim his convictions, even as lamely as 1 have proclaimed mine; and tlie* Anglo-Saxon nations would be moved as by a single impulse, towards the accomplishment of a noble purpose.

I have not been gathering over-ripened fruit; I have not been repeating a thrice told tale; but having formed conclusions from earnest inquiry, I have done what I conceived to be my duty. I have finished.

*


INDEX.

Publisher’s Note ........................ 3-5

Author’s    Preface ........................ R

Chapter    I.—Au Interesting Picture ..    7-8

Chapter    II.    The Dawn of    Civilisation    9-12

Chapter    III.    -Modern Civilisation is of

Anglo-Saxon Origin ..    13-14

Chapter    IV.    The Modernisation of

Japan .............. 15-16

Chapter    V.—A Startling Metamorphosis .............. 17-19

Chapter    VI.    -An Unparalleled Imperial

Manifesto ........... 20-23

Chapter    VII.—Some Results of the

Manifesto ........... 24-28

Chapter VIII.—From Despotism to Constitutionalism ....... 29-31

Chapter    IX.    Compelled to    War ...... 32-33

Chapter    X.—Need We Fear Japan's

Success Y ............ 34-39

Chapter    XI.—Is Japan Over Populated? 40-41

Chapter    XII.    Is Japan Foolish and

Ungrateful Y ......... 42-44

Chapter    XIII.    The Fear of    China ..... 45-40

Chapter XIV.—The “Yellow Peril,” An

Economic Fallacy ..... 47-50

Chapter XV.— Future Possibilities of

China .............. 51-52

Chapter    XVI.- The “Dumping” Bogey ..    53-55

Chapter    XVII.    Some Significant Considerations .......... 56-59

Chapter XVIII. -A Chapter of Anglo-Saxon

Progress ............ 60-61

Chapter    XIX.—Japan and China ....... 62-64

Chapter    XX.—Our Eastern Ally ....... 65

Chapter    XXI.—Conclusion ............. 66-68

Postscript.—The Terms of the Peace ...... 69-70

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